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"This interdisciplinary collection, featuring some of today's most prominent political theorists, sociologists, philosophers, and historians, challenges narratives of neoliberalism's demise. The book queries whether contemporary political ruptures-including the rise of far-right forces-will challenge, support, or extend the reach of market rule around the globe"--

A two-day conference organized by The Max Kade Institute for Austrian-German-Swiss Studies (USC) and The Wende Museum. Co-sponsored by the German Historical Institute and the Centre for Contemporary History, Potsdam (ZZF). Additional support provided by the Feuchtwanger Memorial Library, USC Dornsife Dean's Office, and USC Dornsife Departments of Art History, History, and Slavic Languages and Literature. Modern history has been marked by periodic ruptures, radical changes brought on by wars, revolutionary upheaval, or sudden political shifts that shattered existing social and political structures and belief systems. No country has experienced this more profoundly than Germany, which has witnessed five regimes across the past 100 years and experienced both the heights of national euphoria and the depths of physical and moral defeat and destruction in the twentieth century. During times of fundamental change, cultural ideas and expressions pave the way for the imagination of a new order. This conference focuses on the key role of utopian visions, both artistic and intellectual, that changed the world from the twentieth century to the present day.

Summary
In the wake of the 2011 uprisings, Tunisian, Egyptian and Yemeni diplomats faced unprecedented questions regarding their professional conduct. The foreign policy institutions of all three countries witnessed new forms of political agency, with diplomats beginning to question, debate and (re)define routine practices and norms. Combining diplomatic theory with the multidisciplinary literature on state bureaucracies, this article analyses the various strategies that diplomats developed during a time marked by radical politicisation, strong emotion and new opportunities. On a conceptual level, it emphasises the concept of 'diplomatic discretion', which remains under-theorised in diplomacy research today, but is crucial to the study of diplomatic practice. Empirically, this article draws on ethnographic data regarding diplomats' lived experiences, treating their narratives surrounding the 2011 events as a starting point of analysis.

How do organized workers take advantage of political transitions to gain ground for their movements, and conversely, in what ways do these transitions shape workers' tactics and agendas? This essay compares popular responses to political opportunities in three countries in the throes of deep crises. Exploring the routes to divergent outcomes from a common juncture during and after the First World War draws attention to the possibilities of and constraints on working-class imprints on constitutional development.

This article focuses on France as a refuge for unaccompanied Central European Jewish children on the eve of World War II. Contrary to the United Kingdom, which accepted 10,000 Jewish children through Kindertransport, only 350-450 children entered France. This article utilizes children's diaries and organizational records to question how children perceived and recorded their displacement and resettlement in France, a country that would soon be at war, and then occupied, by Nazi Germany. By questioning how these events filtered into and transformed children's lives, I argue that the shifting political environment led to profound transformations in these children's daily lives long before their very existence was threatened by Nazi–Vichy deportation measures. Most children were cared for in collective children's homes in the Paris region in which left-oriented educators established children's republics. Yet the outbreak of war triggered a series of events in the homes that led to changes in pedagogical methods and new arrivals (and thus new conflicts). The Nazi occupation of France led to the children's displacement to the Southern zone, their dispersal into new homes, and the reconfiguration of their networks. This analysis of children's contemporaneous sources and the conditions under which they were produced places new emphasis on the epistemology of Kindertransport sources and thus contributes to larger theoretical discussions in Holocaust and Childhood studies on children's testimony.

Ruptures brings together leading and emerging international anthropologists to explore the concept of 'rupture'. Understood as radical and often forceful forms of discontinuity, rupture is the active ingredient of the current sense of a world in turmoil, lying at the heart of some of the most defining experiences of our time: the rise of populist politics, the corollary impulse towards protest and even revolutionary change, as well as moves towards violence and terror, and the responses these moves elicit. Rupture is addressed in selected ethnographic and historical contexts: images of the guillotine in the French revolution; reactions to Trump's election in the USA; the motivations of young Danes who join ISIS in Syria; 'butterfly effect' activism among environmental anarchists in northern Europe; the experiences of political trauma and its 'repair' through privately sponsored museums of Mao's revolution in China; people's experience of the devastating 2001 earthquake in Gujarat; the 'inner' rupture of Protestant faith among Danish nationalist theologians; and the attempt to invent ex nihilo an alphabet for use in Christian prophetic movements in Congo and Angola.

This Special Issue of Conflict, Security & Development explores the relationship between political settlements and violence. While there is an emerging body of scholarship on political settlements, its relationship to violence has been under-theorised and has not been systematically examined through comparative country case studies. This Special Issue is the result of a DFID-funded research programme on addressing and mitigating violence co- ordinated by the Institute of Development Studies. A workshop was organised in Goodenough College in London in 2015 to discuss the research findings with representatives from DFID and the FCO, regional experts as well as leading academics who have contributed to the development of the concept of political settlement.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction: The Theory of Rupture -- Chapter One. Belief -- Chapter Two. Universality -- Chapter Three. Solidarity -- Chapter Four. Equality -- Chapter Five. Freedom -- Chapter Six. Singularity -- Chapter Seven. The Inhuman -- Conclusion. Theorizing from the Rubble -- Notes -- Index

This article intends to reconstruct the shape and in particular the breakdown of the alliance between the General Economic Confederation (CGE) and the Union Industrial Argentina (UIA), in times of third Peronist government. We study the experience of unification of both entities Argentina Industrial Confederation (CINA), between 1974 and 1976. We will analyze the crisis and breakdown of the CGE, as a result of the failure of his policy of conciliation. Rebuild the internal and external opposition to the national leadership of the General Economic Confederation. Our hypothesis is that the formation of an alliance of industrial in this period is part of an economic trend that opened up possibilities for breeding to a larger set of weak capital, coupled with the needs of the ruling class to stop the mass insurrectionary process begun in May 1969. The updating of the economic crisis in 1974 revived the fighting between the various sectors of the bourgeoisie and exposed the limits of reformist politics. A new cycle of escalating struggle of workers in opposition to the policies of adjustment, was the trigger for the formation of the alliance coup. ; El presente artículo tiene por fin intentar reconstruir la conformación y enespecial, la descomposición de la alianza entre la Confederación General Económica (CGE) y la Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA), en tiempos del tercer gobierno peronista. Observaremos la experiencia de unificación de ambas entidades que dio forma a la Confederación Industrial Argentina (CINA), que actuó entre 1974 y 1976, hasta su desaparición luego del golpe de Estado. Atenderemos a la crisis y la descomposición de la CGE debido la constitución de una oposición interna y externa a su dirección nacional. La conformación de una alianza de industriales de tendencias reformistas (aún compuesta por actores históricamente enfrentados a expresiones peronistas) aconteció en una tendencia económica ascendente que abría posibilidades a la reproducción de un conjunto mayor de capitales débiles, sumado a las ...

This article attempts to show that in western societies of today, in the absence of absolute foundations and the lack of a frame of meaning that opens new horizons of expectations, a political self understanding of the present in terms of past, begins to emerge. This is possible because the major "catastrophes" of the 20th century have not established a rupture between past and present on the political plane. What I am trying to show here is that the kind of break between past and present made possible by events such as the French Revolution and the Fall of the Soviet Union, took place because these events provoked political ruptures. Because the catastrophes of the 20th century did not break the political order which gave them birth (the modern secular state), they have created an order of time which, without leaving the future aside, feeds itself from the past.

El presente artículo tiene por fin intentar reconstruir la conformación y enespecial, la descomposición de la alianza entre la Confederación General Económica (CGE) y la Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA), en tiempos del tercer gobierno peronista. Observaremos la experiencia de unificación de ambas entidades que dio forma a la Confederación Industrial Argentina (CINA), que actuó entre 1974 y 1976, hasta su desaparición luego del golpe de Estado. Atenderemos a la crisis y la descomposición de la CGE debido la constitución de una oposición interna y externa a su dirección nacional. La conformación de una alianza de industriales de tendencias reformistas (aún compuesta por actores históricamente enfrentados a expresiones peronistas) aconteció en una tendencia económica ascendente que abría posibilidades a la reproducción de un conjunto mayor de capitales débiles, sumado a las necesidades de la clase dominante de frenar el proceso insurreccional de masas iniciado en mayo de 1969. La reactualización de la crisis económica en 1974, reavivó los enfrentamientos entre los distintos sectores de la burguesía por una ganancia en baja y asestó un golpe a la política reformista. Un nuevo ciclo de alza de la lucha de los trabajadores en oposición a las políticas de ajuste, constituyó el detonante de la constitución de la alianza golpista que accionó para quebrar la fuerza reformista y sumarla a su proyecto represivo de recomposición de las condiciones normales de reproducción del capitalismo argentino. ; This article intends to reconstruct the shape and in particular the breakdown of the alliance between the General Economic Confederation (CGE) and the Union Industrial Argentina (UIA), in times of third Peronist government. We study the experience of unification of both entities Argentina Industrial Confederation (CINA), between 1974 and 1976. We will analyze the crisis and breakdown of the CGE, as a result of the failure of his policy of conciliation. Rebuild the internal and external opposition to the national leadership of the General Economic Confederation. Our hypothesis is that the formation of an alliance of industrial in this period is part of an economic trend that opened up possibilities for breeding to a larger set of weak capital, coupled with the needs of the ruling class to stop the mass insurrectionary process begun in May 1969. The updating of the economic crisis in 1974 revived the fighting between the various sectors of the bourgeoisie and exposed the limits of reformist politics. A new cycle of escalating struggle of workers in opposition to the policies of adjustment, was the trigger for the formation of the alliance coup. ; Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales